"On the Correlation Between Non-realization of ㄷ[t]-palatalization and Regional Identity in P'yŏngan dialect"
The most significant aspect of the P'yŏngan dialect [평안방언] is that it has not gone through the t-palatalization process experienced by most other dialects of the Korean language. As such '정거장' is pronounced '덩거당' and '천 天' pronounced '턴,' for example, and this non-realization of transformation from ㄷ, ㅌ sounds to ㅈ, ㅊ remains the peculiar characteristic of the P'yŏngan dialect. The transformation from ㄷ, ㅌ sounds to ㅈ, ㅊ is called t-palatalization; this process took place in the dialects of Kyŏnggi, Kangwŏn, Kyŏngsang, Chŏlla, Cheju as well as those of the areas contiguous to P'yŏngan, namely Hwanghae and Hamgyŏng. In this way, t-palatalization was a phonological change firmly taking root in most Korean dialects, with the only exceptions being the dialects of P'yŏngan and Yukchin, situated in the northern extremity of Hamgyŏng Province. Why did this not occur in the P'yŏngan dialect? The purpose of this paper is to illuminate just what the reasons are and to discuss how this exception relates to the formation of identity in the P'yŏngan region.
In the dialects of Chŏlla, Kyŏngsang and Hamgyŏng regions, the ㄷ>ㅈ palatalization had already begun in the latter half of the sixteenth century and, in some cases, in the early seventeenth century. By the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the phenomenon had already become quite flourishing. In fact, even in the materials published in Seoul ㄷ>ㅈ palatalization forms appear quite frequently by the mid-eighteenth century. The P'yŏngan dialect, however, had not gone through the palatalization well into the early part of the twentieth century, leaving a temporal gap of about 400 years between the palatalization process of the P'yŏngan dialect and that of other regional dialects. This discrepancy between the P'yŏngan dialect and that of other regions was due not only to phonological elements, but also to many other factors involving language use such as those of a socio political nature.
Until the present day, linguists of the Korean language have explained the non-realization of ㄷ>ㅈ palatalization from a phonological standpoint having to do with the pronunciations of the P'yŏngan dialect. As the palatalization of the dental ㅈ, ts> ʧ is a necessary step in attaining the ㄷ(t)>ㅈ(ʧ ) transformation, according to the traditional line of comprehension, the P'yŏngan dialect simply did not have the basic elements for the latter transformation. In other words, the reason the P'yŏngan dialect does not experience ㄷ>ㅈ transformation until the early part of the twentieth century is due to the lack of palatalization of ㅈ. While this type of interpretation can serve as the phonetic and phonological explanation of the non-realization of ㄷ>ㅈ transformation in the P'yŏngan dialect, it does not satisfactorily answer the conundrum of the palatalization of ㅈ not manifesting only in the P'yŏngan dialect for 400 years. This paper contends that in addition to the linguistic understanding of this curious phenomenon, other elements need to be taken seriously into consideration; as people are the subjects of language use, it is virtually impossible that the speakers' understanding and attitude toward their language, rather than the simple linguistic mechanisms underlying the language itself, do not yield significant influence on the changes of the said language.
During the Chosŏn Dynasty, P'yŏngan province was the target of extreme socio political discrimination, and the people of this region harbored an equal amount of despair and the sense that they were being wronged due to the said discrimination, resulting in a mixed barrel of antipathy toward the central bureaucracy and general feelings of inferiority. In order partly to assuage them and to reclaim a sense of regional pride, the people of the region emphasized that P'yŏngan province was the seat of civilization on the Korean peninsula. Moreover, they secured and confirmed the understanding that the P'yŏngan dialect was the correct model of the Chosŏn language; otherwise put, the P'yŏngan people understood their dialect with the non-realization of t-palatalization, its distinct characteristic, to be the only legitimate and correct preserver of the Chosŏn language at the time of Hunmin chŏngúm with its five-sound [오음 五音] system. The people residing in the northwestern region understood the P'yŏngan dialect to be distinct from those of the seven other provinces and, through it, took much pride in such distinction, a sentiment clearly reflected in Paek Kyŏnghae's "Opinion on the Rights and Wrongs of the Dialects of Our Country 我東方言正變說" included in Paek's collection of writing. As such, the linguistic attitude or perhaps the aforementioned identity vis-á-vis the distinctness of the P'yŏngan dialect, in combination with the sentiments resulting from the political discrimination imposed on the P'yŏngan region, propelled forward the formation of P'yŏngan regional identity.
"Dialect, Orthography and Regional Identity: P'yongan Christians and Korean Spelling Reform, 1903-1933"
Introduction
In his fascinating paper presented at the first of these workshops, Paek (2004) presented evidence of two types that speakers of Phyengan dialect in the late 18th and early 19th centuries had developed a strong dialect-based linguistic identity. The first argument was based on the fact that reprints edited and published in Phyengan province of earlier hankul books 'corrected' linguistic forms in line with Phyengan dialect phonology, and the second argument was based on Payk Kyenghay's (1765-1842) "Atong pangen cengpyen sel" [An opinion on the rights and wrongs of our nation's dialects], found in Payk's muncip, the Swuhocip. This Phyengan dialect-based linguistic identity hinged on the recognition that lack of t-palatalization was a dialect marker specific to Phyengan, and moreover, that this lack of t-palatalization was the "correct pronunciation (cengum) and... followed the old sounds of Seycong[;]... the Kwanse region is the origin of Korean language and writing."
Paek, citing Labov's famous 1960s study on Martha's Vineyard, tries to explain the 400-year gap with respect to onset of t-palatalization between Phyengan dialect and other Korean dialects in terms of "socio-historical linguistics," but I would like to extend his observations in two ways. First, I show that the strong sense of dialect pride and dialect-based regional identity in Phyengan manifested itself in two different debates about Korean orthography in the modern period, and that the effects of Phyengan attitudes at that time can still be seen today. Secondly, I demonstrate that the Phyengan dialect identity facts are better treated from the point of view of "language ideology," a relatively new interdisciplinary field that brings together linguistics, sociolinguistics, the sociology of language, and anthropology to shed light on questions of language and identity.
Phyengan Protestants against Spelling Reform
Briefly, the first orthography debate took place between 1902 and 1904 when certain Western missionaries, led by James Scarth Gale and Yi Changcik, his Korean assistant on the Bible Translation Committee, convinced the missionary community to approve a reformed orthography for immediate use in all Protestant publications, including, of course, the Bible. This new spelling, which followed a "one sound one character principle," had the following features:
- Abolish the "alay a"
- Change the "alay a" to u in the accusative particle
- Abolish "y" after s, c, ch (se, sye → se; ca, cya, co, tya → ca)
This new system was supposed to have the effect of unifying language and writing throughout the entire country, but "because of the severe backlash from church members in the northern region, it was decided at the October meeting to revert to the old spelling . . . This was because of pressure from the churches in the northwest region who claimed that abolishing the "alay a" would make it impossible to write northwest dialect properly." (Lyu et al., pp. 59-60; 117)
The second spelling debate concerned the Unified Hankul Orthography, announced in 1933 by the Cosene Hakhoy (today's Hankul Hakhoy). Here again, Phyengan Protestants refused to go along with the new orthography, and one Reverend Chay Cengmin, in particular, was harsh in his attacks on the Hankul orthography:
"Sino-Korean readings should be rendered in their historical spellings, and the 18 members of the Unified Orthography Committee should have their heads chopped off for ignoring Phyengan dialect. Why create 18 patchim and increase one hundred-fold the illiteracy pains of the uneducated when we can get along fine with just 8 patchim? . . . In terms of numbers, church members who live north of the Taytong River account for more than half of Korean Church people, and many Church members in the other 11 provinces are South Phyengan peoples who have scattered from their homes..."
Because of the opposition from the Phyengan faction, the Korean Bible Society and other Protestant groups were not able to approve adoption of the new orthography until 1937, after a delay of 4 years, and even as late as 1939, "the continued and stubborn obstruction of a few [Phyengan] individuals" meant that the Korean Bible did not actually until appear in the new orthography until 1952.
Language ideology and script reform
Heath (1989, p. 53) defines language ideologies as "self-evident ideas and objectives a group holds concerning roles of language in the social experiences of members as they contribute to the expression of the group." Gal (1998, p. 323) notes that " . . . ideologies that appear to be about language, when carefully reread, are revealed to be coded stories about political, religious, or scientific conflicts . . . " And language ideologies often refer to script and orthography; Schieffelin and Doucet (1998, pp. 285-286) write: " . . . orthographic debates are rich sites for investigating competing nationalist discourses. To draw on Anderson's (1983) evocative notion, orthographic choice is really about "imagining" the past and the future of a community . . . Language ideologies are likely places to find images of "self/other" or "us/them," as, for example, in the recent debates about the English Only movement and American language policies." Phyengan Protestants' ideas about their dialect and hankul orthography are a potentially rich site for a discussion of Phyengan regional identity and language ideology.
The Legacy of Phyengan Dialect-based Resistance to Orthographic Reform
The Phyengan dialect speakers' position on hankul orthography is best summed up as follows: 1) our dialect uniquely preserves consonant distinctions that go back to the time of invention of the Korean script; 2) therefore, Phyengan dialect is more 'correct' than other dialects of Korean; 3) the 'historical' (pre-reform) hankul spellings honored those distinctions (even if they did not write them exactly as they are preserved in Phyengan dialect); 4) reformed spellings – especially in the case of Sino-Korean – dishonor our dialect (and hence 'correct language') and destroy distinctions useful in a reader-friendly orthography.
The net effect of this particular dialect-induced orthographic ideology is a tendency toward hardline morphophonemic spelling – the urge to spell all morphemes the same, all the time. This is precisely the type of orthography that was experimented with in Siberia in the 1910s in the journal Tayhanin cyengkyopo, the editorial leaders of which (Yi Kwangswu, in particular) were from Phyengan province. It is also true of North Korea's hankul orthography today, especially with regard to the way it handles Sino-Korean.
Finally, the case of the Phyengan Protestants and their opposition to reformed orthography reinforces yet again that linguistic nationalism and linguistic national identity in modern Korea is, more than anything else and perhaps more than anywhere else, a matter of writing system: it is a rare example of script-based linguistic nationalism (see King in press and King forthcoming).