Copyright Human Events Publishing, Inc. Jun 16, 2000


William F Buckley, Jr., has called communism "the worst abuse of freedom in human history," and it is
difficult to quarrel with this description.

In the last 80 years of the 20th Century, more than 100 million people were exterminated by
Communist tyrants and regimes from Albania to North Korea, and hundreds of millions more have
suffered from imprisonment, torture, famine and a host of other horrors visited upon them by the same
regimes.

Nor is the nightmare over. In Cuba, China, North Korea and Vietnam it continues. Given all this
history, it is remarkable that communism has not occasioned more widespread outrage and
condemnation, been the subject of more blistering creative output, inspired more vows of "never again,"
or given rise to more commemorations of martyrs.

The century's other great tyranny, nazism, and its leader Adolf Hitler inspire a neverending stream of
books and films, while communism and its principal henchmenfrom Lenin to Stalin to Kim Il Jong to Pol
Pot-are regarded largely by indifference on the part of the public.

Which is not to say that no scholarly work has been done in this area.

Important work was done in earlier decades to record the human toll exacted by Communist regimes
throughout the world. Among these were the studies of Robert Conquest documenting the mass
starvation imposed on Ukraine by Stalin in the 1930s and the various studies published by the House
Committee on Un-American Activities in the 1960s and '70s on the "Human Cost of Communism."

Other important efforts to compile an accounting of Communist crimes were the works of Alexandr
Sozhenitsyn-especially The Gulag Archipelago-and John Barron's Murder of a Gentle Land on the
Cambodian holocaust, both published in the 1970s.

Yet given the enormity of Communist crimes this is a relatively small collection, and there has been a
paucity of such works in recent decades, perhaps because the collapse of the Soviet empire has made
the subject seem less relevant to many people.

As noted, however, the scourge of communism has not been totally lifted from the world. The continued
study of this virulent disease is therefore a matter of acute relevance to our contemporary situation.

It is essential for us and future generations that an authoritative record be compiled, lessons recognized
and understood and proper homage paid to those who have manned the barricades against this criminal
enterprise for the past century.

In the last few years, fortunately, there has been an upsurge of interest in documenting the Communist
record, driven in part by the first-time release of records kept by fallen Communist regimes in the
former Soviet' Union and Eastern Europe.

Unprecedented Terror

The biggest sensation on this front was caused by the publication in France of The Black Book of
Communism.

Originally timed for publication in 1997 to coincide with the 80th anniversary of the Bolshevik
Revolution, the book was the product of a team of 11 scholars under the direction of leader Stephane
Courtois.

The authors each produced essays covering the crimes of communism under specific regimes-Stalin in
Russia, the Cultural Revolution in China, Pol Pot's genocide in Cambodia-making up, in the words of
the forward written by scholar Martin Mali, "a balance sheet of our current knowledge of communism's
human costs, archivally based where possible and elsewhere drawing on the best secondary evidence."

The estimates of the deaths caused by communism are staggering indeed: 65 million in China, 20 million
in the former Soviet Union, two million each in Cambodia and North Korea, 1.7 in Africa, one million
each in Vietnam and Eastern Europe and 150,000 in Latin America.

All told, approximately 100 million lives were taken by the Communist regimes, as opposed to 25
million by Hitler's Nazi regime-a regime almost universally regarded as the quintessence and paradigm
of evil.

Hitler's regime was evil but, as is rarely recognized, nazism is a close cousin of communism in many
respects, and in terms of the scope of the evil visited upon the world, communism has been worse.

As The Black Book emphasizes, the death toll is only part of the squalid legacy of communism. Tens of
millions of people were subjected to torture, imprisonment and slavery in work camps under the
Communists, and hundreds of millions more were plunged into misery and deprived of the most basic
human rights.

Indeed, the book shows that communism is an assault on the culture, history, traditions, religion and
norms of the societies affected-a veritable assault on civilization itself.

Many of these observations have been made before, of course, but never has the record of Communist
crimes been so systematically and comprehensively laid out.

The truly surprising aspect of this indictment is that it has been made here by 11 scholars of the left-all
of them either former Communists or fellow travelers.

Following the publication of the book, a few of the contributors quarreled openly with some of the
conclusions expressed by project leader Courtois, such as his contention that tenor is a central feature
of communism, but the resulting brouhaha only helped to publicize the book in Europe.

On the scope of Communist infamy, however, the contributors are agreed, and it is their singular
contribution to have forced intellectuals throughout Europe and now America-especially those of the
left-to face the ugly facts that many of them have been allowed to ignore for too long.

'Bizarre Chapter'

As shocking as the scope of Communist crimes documented by the Black Book is the quickness of the
downfall of communismor at least its main bulwark, the Soviet empire. It was a downfall that caught the
entire world by surprise with a few exceptions, such as Ronald Reagan, who predicted in 1987 that
communism was "a sad, bizarre chapter in history,whose last pages were then being written."

Some of the Best of those "last pages" are contained in The Collapse of Communism, edited by Lei;
Edwards, president of the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, and published in 1999 to
coincide with the 10th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall. The first chapter, by Edwards himself,
recounts the events that led to the sudden fall of the wall in November of 1989-a year that he calls "the
year of miracles." This was the year when the pent-up resentments of millions of suffering people against
their repressive regimes across Eastern Europe drove them to begin to challenge those regimes.

They did so tentatively at first, in many different ways but with growing confidence, as it became clear
that the Gorbachev regime in Moscow had neither the will nor the means to bolster these puppet
governments. Once this revelation set it, the whole hollow, rotten establishment collapsed throughout
Eastern Europe-with the Soviet Union itself soon to follow.

Like the Black Book, The Collapse of Communism is a team effort.

The essays by the eight other contributors explore the reasons the collapse occurred. In his chapter,
"The Highest Stage of Socialism," Martin Mali argues that the seeds of communism's collapse were in
the Marxist ideology that gave it birth. This ideology presented the construction of "an unattainable
utopia as an infallibly scientific enterprise." Over time, as the utter futility of the enterprise became
obvious and its staggering human costs continued to mount, the Communist rulers lost faith in Marxism
and, in so doing, lost the glue that held the entire system together.

Michael Novak points out in his essay that the atheistic ideology relentlessly imposed on the captive
peoples-especially the Russians-for many decades took a horrible toll on its victims, sapping their
spiritual and economic vitality. (It was Ronald Reagan's intuitive understanding of these facts that
enabled him to foresee and foretell the collapse of communism.)

Robert Conquest describes the terrible wounds inflicted by Communist regimes on their subjects-mass
murder, starvation, imprisonment and enslavement of millions of people-which placed their societies in a
"lasting state of extreme repression." Just as it took the German people centuries to recover from the
Thirty Years War, he writes, so did communism create a "massive and profound catastrophe" that
ensured its eventual demise.

Zbigniew Brzezinski notes that communism was an "alien doctrine" forcibly imposed on the highly
developed Westernoriented societies of Eastern Europe-one which was rejected and eventually
expelled, much as the human body's immune system defeats an infection.

In his essay on the Cold War, Brian Crozier writes that the conflict was a simultaneous struggle in many
areas conomic, military, espionage, communications-combined with a war of nerves involving the
potential use of nuclear weapons. He credits two key decisions of Ronald Reagan with convincing the
Soviets that they could not win this war: the invasion and liberation of Grenada and the decision to
pursue the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI).

Winston Churchill

In addition to learning the lessons to be drawn from the study of communism and the 70-year struggle
against it, it is important also to honor those who led the West in that 70-year war.

Joseph Shattan makes an excellent start in his book Architects of Victory, in which he provides
sketches of six disparate, important, "heroes of the Cold War."

Pride of seniority in this pantheon must go to Winston Churchill, the great British prime minister best
known for his leadership of Britain during World War II. Churchill had foreseen that war was coming a
full decade before it began, and he warned his countrymen incessantly but futilely about the danger
posed by Hitler and growing Nazi power.

What is not so well known is that more than a decade before that-in the very midst of the Bolshevik
Revolution of 1917Churchill correctly identified the essence of Marxist-Leninist ideology and warned
against the threat it would invariably pose to the West.

In 1919 he wrote of Lenin and Trotsky, "Theirs is a war against civilized society that can never end."

"They seek as the first condition of their being the overthrow and destruction of all existing institutions
and of every state and government now standing in the world," wrote Churchill. "They too aim at a
worldwide and international league, but a league of the failures, the criminals, the unfit, the mutinous, the
morbid, the deranged, and the distraught in every land; and between them and such order of civilization
as we have been able to build up since the dawn of history there can, as Lenin rightly proclaims, be
neither truce norpeace."

Moreover, as Shattan writes, "The barrage of invective unloosened by Churchill against the Bolsheviks
was unparalleled in modern British political history. `Criminality and animalism,' `fungus,' `cancer,' `a
plague bacillus,' `a deadly and paralyzing sect,' `abarbarism. . . devoured by vermin, racked by
pestilence,' `avowed enemies of civilization,' `criminals,' `deranged and distraught,' and `subhuman'
were among his choicest epithets."

The Bolsheviks, he informed the British cabinet in 1920, have "committed, and are committing
unspeakable atrocities, and are maintaining themselves in power by a terrorism on an unprecedented
scale, and by the denial of the most elementary rights of citizenship and freedom."

Not only did Churchill warn against the danger posed by Bolshevism, he also tried to "strange the
Bolshevik baby in its crib."

In 1919, as minister of war in the British cabinet, Churchill was responsible for evacuating thousands of
British soldiers still stationed in Russia following the Communist takeover. Acting on his own, however,
Churchill actually reinforced these troops and provided support to a number of White Russian generals
who were trying to overthrow the Bolshevik regime.

During World War II, of course, Churchill had to work with the Soviet Union to defeat the more
immediate danger of nazism. He did try persistently, though unsuccessfully, to persuade Roosevelt to
rescue as much of Eastern Europe as possible from the Soviets.

And after the war he warned, in his famous "Iron Curtain" speech, that Stalin was bent on world
domination and had to ire opposed. This speech angered his host President Harry Truman, who was
convinced that he could work with "Uncle Joe" and who resented Churchill's attack on Stalin.

To his credit, however, Truman soon woke up to the danger the Soviets posed and initiated a sweeping
series of measures to oppose Soviet expansion. These included support for the Greek and Turkish
governments (support that surely saved them from a takeover by Moscow), the Berlin Airlift, the
Marshall Plan that helped the Western European nations rebuild their economies, the creation of NATO
and the massive deployment of U.S. troops to save South Korea from being overrun by Communist
China.

It is true that Truman, relying on bad advice, acquiesced in the Communist takeover of China and that
an imprudent comment by his Secretary of State Dean Acheson probably led to the Korean War, but,
all in all, Truman's record in opposing Communist expansionism justifies his inclusion as one of Shattan's
"heroes of the Cold War."

Another of these heroes-and one little known in the United States today-is Konrad Adenauer, postwar
chancellor of West Germany.

Adenauer was the indispensable man in leading West Germany's economic recovery and its conversion
into a strong democratic capitalist nation in the heart of Europe.

Working against fearsome odds and against strong political opposition, Adenauer led the rebuilding of
West Germany from the ashes of total defeat into a strong pro-Western nation that became the bulwark
of NATO. Without Germany to anchor NATO, it is unlikely that the alliance would have been formed if
formed, would have been successful in resisting Soviet aggression.

Alexander Solzhenitsyn

Two of Shattan's heroes are not leaders in the conventional political sense, but their impact has been as
powerful as that of any statesman. One is the Russian writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn, who, from the
very heart of the Evil Empire, raised his lonely but courageous voice in a determined effort to expose
the evils of communism in. his native land.

His book, The Gulag Archipelago, smuggled out of the Soviet Union on microfilm and published in the
West, documented in chilling and voluminous detail the horrors of the Soviet "archipelago" of psychiatric
wards, prisons and slave labor camps.

These horrors, he made clear, were central and inevitable manifestations of a system that was evil to the
core and had been from its very inception.

Solzhenitsyn's prestige forced Western intellectuals at least to some degree to confront the reality of this
massive evil and, by so doing, seriously weakened the legitimacy of the Soviet system throughout the
West.

Pope John Paul II is another unconventional leader in the struggle against communism. From the very
outset of his pontificate, he was determined to do everything in his power to undermine the oppressive
regimes in his native Poland and throughout the Soviet empire.

"Be not afraid," he said to his fellow Poles, and in two historic visits to his homeland he instilled a new
confidence and determination in his countrymen that led to the creation of the Solidarity movement.
With growing boldness and success, the Poles resisted their Communist oppressors, and their example
spilled over into the neighboring captive nations.

Ronald Reagan

Ronald Reagan is the sixth hero profiled by Shattan and the honor is well deserved. He was as
determined as the pope to destroy communism and his administration launched a well-planned and
sustained comprehensive effort to accomplish this goal.

Reagan took the battle to the enemy in every sphere. He boldly challenged the Soviets rhetorically,
initiated a massive buildup of U.S. military forces, pressed the Soviets hard economically by cutting off
credits and orchestrating a lowering of oil prices, which slashed their export revenues.

He initiated the "Reagan Doctrine," which pledged aid to forces in Asia, Latin America and Africa that
were opposing Soviet advances.

He also liberated Grenada, shocking the world by producing the first reversal of a Soviet conquest
Ever, and he pressed his Strategic Defense Initiative, which by Mikhail Gorbachev's own testimony
convinced the Soviets that their bankrupt system could not compete with the United States.

Reagan understood that the Communist system was built on premises that were so alien to human
nature that the system could not survive in the long run. It was his genius to recognize that the Soviet
Communist construct was ripe for toppling, and he developed the plan that brought it down.

The rest of us-less prescient than Reagan-witnessed an event at the close of the century that most of us
felt we would never live to see: the collapse-and without bloodshed-of a massive, malignant empire that
had cast its shadow over the world for 70 years.

These books help us to remember how that empire came to be and how it fell. Most important, they
should cause all freedomloving people to resolve that no such evil power will be permitted to threaten
humanity again.


Enlarge 200%
Enlarge 400%

Two heroes, one criminal: Winston Churchill (left),
Harry Truman (center) and Joseph Stalin (right).

[Sidebar]
The Black Book Of Communism
Crimes, Terror, Repression
EDITED BY STEPHANE COURTOIS
Translated from the French by Jonathan Murphy and Mark Kramer
Harvard University Press, 1999 1,120 pages, $37.50
ISBN 0-67407-608-7
The Collapse of Communism
EDITED BY LEE EDWARDS Hoover Press, 1999 207 pages, $16.11 ISBN 0-81799-812-8 Architects of victory Six
Heroes of the Cold War
BY JOSEPH SHATTAN
The Heritage Foundation, 1999 343 pages, $24.95
ISBN 0-89195-082-6



The Collapse of Communism
EDITED BY LEE EDWARDS Hoover Press, 1999 207 pages, $16.11

Architects of victory: Six
Heroes of the Cold War
BY JOSEPH SHATTAN
The Heritage Foundation, 1999 343 pages, $24.95

By JAMES C. ROBERTS
Human Events
16 June 2000


William F Buckley, Jr., has called communism "the worst abuse of freedom in human history," and it is
difficult to quarrel with this description.

In the last 80 years of the 20th Century, more than 100 million people were exterminated by Communist
tyrants and regimes from Albania to North Korea, and hundreds of millions more have suffered from
imprisonment, torture, famine and a host of other horrors visited upon them by the same regimes.

Nor is the nightmare over. In Cuba, China, North Korea and Vietnam it continues. Given all this history,
it is remarkable that communism has not occasioned more widespread outrage and condemnation, been
the subject of more blistering creative output, inspired more vows of "never again," or given rise to more
commemorations of martyrs.

The century's other great tyranny, nazism, and its leader Adolf Hitler inspire a neverending stream of
books and films, while communism and its principal henchmenfrom Lenin to Stalin to Kim Il Jong to Pol
Pot-are regarded largely by indifference on the part of the public.

Which is not to say that no scholarly work has been done in this area.

Important work was done in earlier decades to record the human toll exacted by Communist regimes
throughout the world. Among these were the studies of Robert Conquest documenting the mass
starvation imposed on Ukraine by Stalin in the 1930s and the various studies published by the House
Committee on Un-American Activities in the 1960s and '70s on the "Human Cost of Communism."

Other important efforts to compile an accounting of Communist crimes were the works of Alexandr
Sozhenitsyn-especially The Gulag Archipelago-and John Barron's Murder of a Gentle Land on the
Cambodian holocaust, both published in the 1970s.

Yet given the enormity of Communist crimes this is a relatively small collection, and there has been a
paucity of such works in recent decades, perhaps because the collapse of the Soviet empire has made
the subject seem less relevant to many people.

As noted, however, the scourge of communism has not been totally lifted from the world. The continued
study of this virulent disease is therefore a matter of acute relevance to our contemporary situation.

It is essential for us and future generations that an authoritative record be compiled, lessons recognized
and understood and proper homage paid to those who have manned the barricades against this criminal
enterprise for the past century.

In the last few years, fortunately, there has been an upsurge of interest in documenting the Communist
record, driven in part by the first-time release of records kept by fallen Communist regimes in the former
Soviet' Union and Eastern Europe.

Unprecedented Terror

The biggest sensation on this front was caused by the publication in France of The Black Book of
Communism.

Originally timed for publication in 1997 to coincide with the 80th anniversary of the Bolshevik
Revolution, the book was the product of a team of 11 scholars under the direction of leader Stephane
Courtois.

The authors each produced essays covering the crimes of communism under specific regimes-Stalin in
Russia, the Cultural Revolution in China, Pol Pot's genocide in Cambodia-making up, in the words of the
forward written by scholar Martin Mali, "a balance sheet of our current knowledge of communism's
human costs, archivally based where possible and elsewhere drawing on the best secondary evidence."

The estimates of the deaths caused by communism are staggering indeed: 65 million in China, 20 million
in the former Soviet Union, two million each in Cambodia and North Korea, 1.7 in Africa, one million
each in Vietnam and Eastern Europe and 150,000 in Latin America.

All told, approximately 100 million lives were taken by the Communist regimes, as opposed to 25 million
by Hitler's Nazi regime-a regime almost universally regarded as the quintessence and paradigm of evil.

Hitler's regime was evil but, as is rarely recognized, nazism is a close cousin of communism in many
respects, and in terms of the scope of the evil visited upon the world, communism has been worse.

As The Black Book emphasizes, the death toll is only part of the squalid legacy of communism. Tens
of millions of people were subjected to torture, imprisonment and slavery in work camps under the
Communists, and hundreds of millions more were plunged into misery and deprived of the most basic
human rights.

Indeed, the book shows that communism is an assault on the culture, history, traditions, religion and
norms of the societies affected-a veritable assault on civilization itself.

Many of these observations have been made before, of course, but never has the record of Communist
crimes been so systematically and comprehensively laid out.

The truly surprising aspect of this indictment is that it has been made here by 11 scholars of the left-all of
them either former Communists or fellow travelers.

Following the publication of the book, a few of the contributors quarreled openly with some of the
conclusions expressed by project leader Courtois, such as his contention that tenor is a central feature of
communism, but the resulting brouhaha only helped to publicize the book in Europe.

On the scope of Communist infamy, however, the contributors are agreed, and it is their singular
contribution to have forced intellectuals throughout Europe and now America-especially those of the
left-to face the ugly facts that many of them have been allowed to ignore for too long.

'Bizarre Chapter'

As shocking as the scope of Communist crimes documented by the Black Book is the quickness of the
downfall of communismor at least its main bulwark, the Soviet empire. It was a downfall that caught the
entire world by surprise with a few exceptions, such as Ronald Reagan, who predicted in 1987 that
communism was "a sad, bizarre chapter in history,whose last pages were then being written."

Some of the Best of those "last pages" are contained in The Collapse of Communism, edited by Lei;
Edwards, president of the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, and published in 1999 to
coincide with the 10th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall. The first chapter, by Edwards himself,
recounts the events that led to the sudden fall of the wall in November of 1989-a year that he calls "the
year of miracles." This was the year when the pent-up resentments of millions of suffering people against
their repressive regimes across Eastern Europe drove them to begin to challenge those regimes.

They did so tentatively at first, in many different ways but with growing confidence, as it became clear
that the Gorbachev regime in Moscow had neither the will nor the means to bolster these puppet
governments. Once this revelation set it, the whole hollow, rotten establishment collapsed throughout
Eastern Europe-with the Soviet Union itself soon to follow.

Like the Black Book, The Collapse of Communism is a team effort.

The essays by the eight other contributors explore the reasons the collapse occurred. In his chapter, "The
Highest Stage of Socialism," Martin Mali argues that the seeds of communism's collapse were in the
Marxist ideology that gave it birth. This ideology presented the construction of "an unattainable utopia as
an infallibly scientific enterprise." Over time, as the utter futility of the enterprise became obvious and its
staggering human costs continued to mount, the Communist rulers lost faith in Marxism and, in so doing,
lost the glue that held the entire system together.

Michael Novak points out in his essay that the atheistic ideology relentlessly imposed on the captive
peoples-especially the Russians-for many decades took a horrible toll on its victims, sapping their
spiritual and economic vitality. (It was Ronald Reagan's intuitive understanding of these facts that enabled
him to foresee and foretell the collapse of communism.)

Robert Conquest describes the terrible wounds inflicted by Communist regimes on their subjects-mass
murder, starvation, imprisonment and enslavement of millions of people-which placed their societies in a
"lasting state of extreme repression." Just as it took the German people centuries to recover from the
Thirty Years War, he writes, so did communism create a "massive and profound catastrophe" that
ensured its eventual demise.

Zbigniew Brzezinski notes that communism was an "alien doctrine" forcibly imposed on the highly
developed Westernoriented societies of Eastern Europe-one which was rejected and eventually expelled,
much as the human body's immune system defeats an infection.

In his essay on the Cold War, Brian Crozier writes that the conflict was a simultaneous struggle in many
areas conomic, military, espionage, communications-combined with a war of nerves involving the
potential use of nuclear weapons. He credits two key decisions of Ronald Reagan with convincing the
Soviets that they could not win this war: the invasion and liberation of Grenada and the decision to pursue
the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI).

Winston Churchill

In addition to learning the lessons to be drawn from the study of communism and the 70-year struggle
against it, it is important also to honor those who led the West in that 70-year war.

Joseph Shattan makes an excellent start in his book Architects of Victory, in which he provides sketches
of six disparate, important, "heroes of the Cold War."

Pride of seniority in this pantheon must go to Winston Churchill, the great British prime minister best
known for his leadership of Britain during World War II. Churchill had foreseen that war was coming a
full decade before it began, and he warned his countrymen incessantly but futilely about the danger posed
by Hitler and growing Nazi power.

What is not so well known is that more than a decade before that-in the very midst of the Bolshevik
Revolution of 1917Churchill correctly identified the essence of Marxist-Leninist ideology and warned
against the threat it would invariably pose to the West.

In 1919 he wrote of Lenin and Trotsky, "Theirs is a war against civilized society that can never end."

"They seek as the first condition of their being the overthrow and destruction of all existing institutions and
of every state and government now standing in the world," wrote Churchill. "They too aim at a worldwide
and international league, but a league of the failures, the criminals, the unfit, the mutinous, the morbid, the
deranged, and the distraught in every land; and between them and such order of civilization as we have
been able to build up since the dawn of history there can, as Lenin rightly proclaims, be neither truce
norpeace."

Moreover, as Shattan writes, "The barrage of invective unloosened by Churchill against the Bolsheviks
was unparalleled in modern British political history. `Criminality and animalism,' `fungus,' `cancer,' `a
plague bacillus,' `a deadly and paralyzing sect,' `abarbarism. . . devoured by vermin, racked by
pestilence,' `avowed enemies of civilization,' `criminals,' `deranged and distraught,' and `subhuman' were
among his choicest epithets."

The Bolsheviks, he informed the British cabinet in 1920, have "committed, and are committing
unspeakable atrocities, and are maintaining themselves in power by a terrorism on an unprecedented
scale, and by the denial of the most elementary rights of citizenship and freedom."

Not only did Churchill warn against the danger posed by Bolshevism, he also tried to "strange the
Bolshevik baby in its crib."

In 1919, as minister of war in the British cabinet, Churchill was responsible for evacuating thousands of
British soldiers still stationed in Russia following the Communist takeover. Acting on his own, however,
Churchill actually reinforced these troops and provided support to a number of White Russian generals
who were trying to overthrow the Bolshevik regime.

During World War II, of course, Churchill had to work with the Soviet Union to defeat the more
immediate danger of nazism. He did try persistently, though unsuccessfully, to persuade Roosevelt to
rescue as much of Eastern Europe as possible from the Soviets.

And after the war he warned, in his famous "Iron Curtain" speech, that Stalin was bent on world
domination and had to ire opposed. This speech angered his host President Harry Truman, who was
convinced that he could work with "Uncle Joe" and who resented Churchill's attack on Stalin.

To his credit, however, Truman soon woke up to the danger the Soviets posed and initiated a sweeping
series of measures to oppose Soviet expansion. These included support for the Greek and Turkish
governments (support that surely saved them from a takeover by Moscow), the Berlin Airlift, the
Marshall Plan that helped the Western European nations rebuild their economies, the creation of NATO
and the massive deployment of U.S. troops to save South Korea from being overrun by Communist
China.

It is true that Truman, relying on bad advice, acquiesced in the Communist takeover of China and that an
imprudent comment by his Secretary of State Dean Acheson probably led to the Korean War, but, all in
all, Truman's record in opposing Communist expansionism justifies his inclusion as one of Shattan's
"heroes of the Cold War."

Another of these heroes-and one little known in the United States today-is Konrad Adenauer, postwar
chancellor of West Germany.

Adenauer was the indispensable man in leading West Germany's economic recovery and its conversion
into a strong democratic capitalist nation in the heart of Europe.

Working against fearsome odds and against strong political opposition, Adenauer led the rebuilding of
West Germany from the ashes of total defeat into a strong pro-Western nation that became the bulwark
of NATO. Without Germany to anchor NATO, it is unlikely that the alliance would have been formed if
formed, would have been successful in resisting Soviet aggression.

Alexander Solzhenitsyn

Two of Shattan's heroes are not leaders in the conventional political sense, but their impact has been as
powerful as that of any statesman. One is the Russian writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn, who, from the very
heart of the Evil Empire, raised his lonely but courageous voice in a determined effort to expose the evils
of communism in. his native land.

His book, The Gulag Archipelago, smuggled out of the Soviet Union on microfilm and published in the
West, documented in chilling and voluminous detail the horrors of the Soviet "archipelago" of psychiatric
wards, prisons and slave labor camps.

These horrors, he made clear, were central and inevitable manifestations of a system that was evil to the
core and had been from its very inception.

Solzhenitsyn's prestige forced Western intellectuals at least to some degree to confront the reality of this
massive evil and, by so doing, seriously weakened the legitimacy of the Soviet system throughout the
West.

Pope John Paul II is another unconventional leader in the struggle against communism. From the very
outset of his pontificate, he was determined to do everything in his power to undermine the oppressive
regimes in his native Poland and throughout the Soviet empire.

"Be not afraid," he said to his fellow Poles, and in two historic visits to his homeland he instilled a new
confidence and determination in his countrymen that led to the creation of the Solidarity movement. With
growing boldness and success, the Poles resisted their Communist oppressors, and their example spilled
over into the neighboring captive nations.

Ronald Reagan

Ronald Reagan is the sixth hero profiled by Shattan and the honor is well deserved. He was as
determined as the pope to destroy communism and his administration launched a well-planned and
sustained comprehensive effort to accomplish this goal.

Reagan took the battle to the enemy in every sphere. He boldly challenged the Soviets rhetorically,
initiated a massive buildup of U.S. military forces, pressed the Soviets hard economically by cutting off
credits and orchestrating a lowering of oil prices, which slashed their export revenues.

He initiated the "Reagan Doctrine," which pledged aid to forces in Asia, Latin America and Africa that
were opposing Soviet advances.

He also liberated Grenada, shocking the world by producing the first reversal of a Soviet conquest Ever,
and he pressed his Strategic Defense Initiative, which by Mikhail Gorbachev's own testimony convinced
the Soviets that their bankrupt system could not compete with the United States.

Reagan understood that the Communist system was built on premises that were so alien to human nature
that the system could not survive in the long run. It was his genius to recognize that the Soviet Communist
construct was ripe for toppling, and he developed the plan that brought it down.

The rest of us-less prescient than Reagan-witnessed an event at the close of the century that most of us
felt we would never live to see: the collapse-and without bloodshed-of a massive, malignant empire that
had cast its shadow over the world for 70 years.

These books help us to remember how that empire came to be and how it fell. Most important, they
should cause all freedomloving people to resolve that no such evil power will be permitted to threaten
humanity again.

The Black Book Of Communism
Crimes, Terror, Repression
EDITED BY STEPHANE COURTOIS
Translated from the French by Jonathan Murphy and Mark Kramer
Harvard University Press, 1999 1,120 pages, $37.50
ISBN 0-67407-608-7

The Collapse of Communism
EDITED BY LEE EDWARDS Hoover Press, 1999 207 pages, $16.11 ISBN 0-81799-812-8 Architects of victory Six

Heroes of the Cold War
BY JOSEPH SHATTAN
The Heritage Foundation, 1999 343 pages, $24.95
ISBN 0-89195-082-6

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