1

Korean History Studies in Japan

The 2005 Shigaku Zasshi Historiography Review: Korean Ancient History

Akabame Masayoshi

 

Relating to the debate between China and South Korea over the historical significance of Koguryŏ history, which became enlivened from 2003, or from before the inclusion of Koguryŏ historical sites in the register of World Cultural Heritage sites, Inoue Naoki carefully traced the research in China on Koguryŏ history (1) and Yi Yonghyŏn has calmly reported the responses in South Korea to recent trends in scholarship in China. (2) These are timely introductions, and will be useful references. On the other hand, research last year in Japan on ancient Korean history, though lacking in flashiness, progressed slow and steady with a focus on striking archaeological findings and on research using excavated sources bearing written script excavated together with these other artifacts. Below, I will proceed by introducing each field.

Ancient Korean history, general. There are volumes edited by Takeda Yukio and by the Nikkan rekishi kyōdō kenkyū iinkai, and articles written by Fukatsu Yukinori and Han Sŏng. The volume edited by Takeda, Nihon to Chōsen , is composed of eleven papers that draw us closer through archaeological and textual studies to the varied interactions between the Korean peninsula and the Japanese archipelago. (3) This book has the special quality of narrating the interactions with the Korean peninsula as the historical subject. The report issued by the Nikkan rekishi kyōdō kenkyū iinkai treats ancient history in its first section. (4) This report has been placed on the internet, and may be viewed there. Fukatsu emphasizes that the title “Great King,” or (J.) “Tai [Dai]ō” (K. T'ae [Tae]wang”), which relativized that ruler's authority separately from the title “King,” or (J.) the title “Ō” (K. “Wang”), that Chinese governments presented appeared in the fourth century to the sixth century in the Korean peninsula and the Japanese archipelago, and he advocates that the world which thus developed be called the world of ancient “East Asia.” (5) Seeking the theoretical basis for the relativization in Mahayana thought is unique. Han suggests that for Tang China , to attack Paekche was not the original goal. The principal goal rather was to conquer Koguryŏ, and thereby to construct a Tang China-centered international relations system. He discusses East Asian international relations of that period from this perspective. (6)

Archaeology. There are publications edited by Tamura Kōichi and written by Momozaki Yūsuke, Azuma Ushio, Im Yŏngjin, Saka Yasushi, and Shimizu Akihiro. Tamura has edited an important book, Higashi Ajia no tojō to Bokkai , that focuses on walled cities in Parhae and artifacts excavated from Tonggyŏng that are now preserved at the University of Tokyo. Included is an essay that surveys the current stage of research on the Changan area during the time that Parhae existed, and his research is valuable for understanding the Parhae walled cities within East Asia . (7) In particular, Inoue Kazuto offers the novel view that the influence of Heijō-kyō is visible in the plan for Sanggyŏng Yongch'ŏn-bu's earthen fortress. (8) Discussion of this point is anticipated.

Momozaki reexamines the chronology of Koguryŏ roof tiles based upon recent findings in China , suggests that the Taiwang Tomb is the King Kwanggaet'o Tomb and that the Changgun earthen mound is King Changsu's tomb, and supports the appropriateness of those arguments through a style analysis of equestrian goods excavated from the Taiwang Tomb. (9) Azuma considers the Wa-style military goods of the second half of the fourth century to the late fifth century that have been excavated in the Kaya area to be from interaction that focused on iron exchange. In addition, he criticizes through archaeological sources several written texts that discuss relations between Wa and the southern part of the Korean peninsula. (10) Seeing the people buried in keyhole tombs in the Yŏngsan River area as being Wa people who fled from Wa, Im hypothesizes that in the background was interaction between the two regions of the Yŏngsan River area and northern Kyushu . (11) Saka sees a class of local elites that controlled a production artisan class that engaged in interaction with the Japanese archipelago. (12) Focusing on Paekche roof tiles preserved at the Tokyo National Museum, Shimizu examines the designs on those roof tiles, the similarities of those designs to the plants portrayed, the production techniques, the production methods, the places of production, and the periods of production, and identifies a gap in the roof tile production technologies in Paekche and Wa in the second half of the sixth century with regard to Paekche roof tiles from temple ruins in Kunsu-ri. (13)

Koguryŏ history. There is an article by Jin Dongxu. Through solid textual criticism and analysis, having considered the geographical location, tribal genealogy, and period of origin of the Sosumaek, Jin regards the Sosumaek as a Maek tribal group among many that were under the influence, on the outer edges, of a central Maek tribal group similar to the five tribes. Jin points to the Koguryŏ state's political dual structure at that time and attaches significance to the ebb and flow of the Sosumaek in the history of Koguryŏ state development. (14)

Paekche history. There are articles by Hamada Kōsaku, Kim Yŏngi, Kondō Kōichi, and Song Wanbŏm. Hamada reconfirmed that Paekche was using the stem-branch date system without using a reign name, and he sees in this Paekche's international strategy toward Chinese governments, Koguryŏ, and Wa. (15) Kim discusses the movement of Chinese who had resided in the former Lelang and Taifang areas into Paekche and of Wa people into the Yŏngsan River area. (16) While revising elements of his earlier interpretations of three points regarding wooden strips excavated from Nŭngsan-ni, in Puyŏ, Kondō stresses again his view that the wooden strips are related to the management of the walled city before and after the capital's relocation to Sabi. (17) Song examines the departure of P'ungjang and the time of his arrival in Wa, and hypothesizes that in the background of the latter was the severe international rivalry between the Silla-Tang alliance and the Koguryŏ-Paekche alliance in East Asia during the reign of King Mu. The point that in the restoration army's movements after Paekche's fall was power that stretched back politically to King Mu is interesting when considering the political history of the late Paekche period. (18)

Silla history. There are publications by Yi Sŏngsi, Fukatsu Yukinori, Chŏng Yŏnggŭn, Chi Kangi, Ko Kwanmin, and Chu Podon. From an analysis of place names visible in wooden tags attached to wooden strips excavated from the Sŏngsan mountain fort in Haman and from the existence of wooden index tags, Yi Sŏngsi brings into relief the importance of the Naktong River as an inland transportation route in mid-sixth century Silla's tax collection system. He hypothesizes the establishment of river administration as a broad administrative unit predicated upon the existence of document-based administration. (19) Fukatsu sees significance in mountain forts as administrative bases from written text discovered at three mountain forts involved in Silla governance in the sixth and seventh centuries. (20) Chŏng observes the special characteristics of Silla yujik studies in Wŏnch' ŭk (614-696) and T'aehyŏn (fl. eighth century). He explains that yujik studies were able to hold strong persuasive power due to the objectivity and strictness seen in the academic work of Wŏnch' ŭk and T'aehyŏn. (21) Chi considers the production date and producer of a standing figure of Amitabha from its style, and in the intellectual background of the latter sees a following for the Amitabha faith in the Yangsan area and the independent development of that faith. (22) Ko Kwanmin writes that the Silla state foundation myths in the Samguk sagi and the Samguk yusa and the lineages of the three royal houses among which the kingship alternated were established in the mid-seventh century, and that in the Kuksa , which was completed in 545, was the state foundation myth, one which received influence from the Koguryŏ foundation myth, of the Kim royal house's founder, who was the son of Ilsin. (23) This is a long study of Silla's early royal lineages, and further careful discussion is considered necessary. Chu divides the kolp'um system into three periods, and offers a general treatment of its historical development. (24) Chu presents a unique understanding of the hallowed-bone rank.

Parhae history. There are publications by Hamada Kumiko, Akabame Masayoshi, Kojima Yoshitaka, Kawakami Hiroshi, and Liu Pujiang. Hamada confirmed that the style of Parhae state correspondence in Japanese sources move in chronological order from kye to p'yo and from p'yo to kye . As background to these changes she hypothesizes for the former the introduction in ancient Japan of Tang guest ritual and for the latter the stability of state power in Parhae and the Kanmu court's policy of strengthening the display of the emperor's power. (25) Akabame speculates on conditions in the Silla-Parhae boundary area. (26) Kojima compiled textual sources from Parhae. (27) Kawakami discusses the ethnic consciousness and the continuity of its differences between the central ruling class and the local Malgal tribes in Parhae, a multi-ethnic country. (28) Using newly excavated materials, Liu adds revisions to the established understandings regarding the period when Eastern Tan existed following the fall of Parhae and Eastern Tan's system of political administration. This is a sound paper that stoically reproduces the history of the country of Dingan, which was founded by Parhae people, based upon historical sources. (29)

In 2005 books, translations, and symposium proceedings on archaeology, and also single-author books that should be noticed stood out. Because of page restrictions here, I will append in particular only Sekino Tei's Shinpan Chōsen no kenchiku to geijutsu , a basic text for research in ancient Korean history. (30) I will leave the introduction of other books to book reviews.

It has been long since the institution of the importance of deepened affirmative criticism built upon the negative criticism of documents. Criticism of extant documents that does not stop at simple affirmative-negative was also a special characteristic of publications last year. Even excavated sources bearing written text are not exempt. Coupled with the increase in those sources, research supported by appropriate methodologies and consciousness of source criticism will be produced in the future.

 

Notes:

(1) 井上直樹「高句麗史研究と「国史 」 - その帰属をめぐって (上) (下)」『東アジアの古代文化』弟122号、2005年冬、132-152頁、弟123号、2005年春、178-193頁。

(2) 李鎔賢「 「東北工程」と韓国の高句麗史の現状 」『東アジアの古代文化』弟122号、2005年冬、118-131頁。

(3) 武田幸男編『日本と朝鮮』吉川弘文館、2005年。

(4) 日韓歴史共同研究委員会編『日韓歴史共同研究委報告書』 日韓歴史共同研究委員会、2005年。

(5) 深津行徳「古代の「東アジア」という場」貴志俊彦・荒野泰典・小風秀雅編『「東アジア」の時代性』渓水社、2005年、183-194頁。

(6) 韓昇「 白村江会戦前夜における唐と新羅・日本との関係 」『(九州大学大学院比較社会文化研究院)東アジアと日本』第2号、2005年2月、47-68頁。

(7) 田村晃一編『東アジアの都城と渤海』東洋文庫、2005年。

(8) 井上和人「渤海上京竜泉府形制新考」田村晃一編『東アジアの都城と渤海』東洋文庫、2005年、71-110。

(9) 桃崎裕輔「高句麗太王陵出土瓦・馬具からみた好太王陵説の評価」海交史会考古学論集刊行会編『海と考古学』六一書房、2005年。

(10) 東潮「 加耶と倭の歴史環境 」『朝鮮学報』弟196輯、2005年7月、1-55頁。

(11) 林永珍「 韓国長鼓墳 ( 前方後円形古墳 ) の被葬者と築造背景 」『考古学雑誌』弟89巻弟1号、2005年1月、68-83頁。

(12) 坂靖「 韓国の前方後円墳と埴輪 」『古大学研究』弟170号、2005年9月、1-20頁。

(13) 清水昭博「 軍守里廃寺出土軒丸瓦の検討 」『MUSEUM』弟596号、2005年6月、19-46頁。

(14) 金東旭「 『三国志』東夷伝に見える小水貊 」『朝鮮学報』弟196輯、2005年7月、103-132頁。

(15) 濱田耕策「 百済紀年考 」『(九州大学大学院人文科学研究院)史淵』弟142輯、2005年3月、73-91頁。

(16) 金瑛二「 古代東アジアにおける人的交流について - 百済王権を中心に 」『(河合文化教育研究所)研究論集』弟1号、2005年9月、123-132頁。

(17) 近藤浩一「 扶余・陵山里出土木簡と泗沘都城関連施設 -- 統治組織関係木簡の検討を中心に 」『東アジアの古代文化』弟125号、2005年秋、16-36頁。

(18) 宋浣範「 七世紀の倭国と百済 - 百済王子豊璋の動向を中心に 」『日本歴史』弟686号、2005年7月、1-16頁。

(19) 李成市「朝鮮の文書行政」平川南・沖森卓也・栄原永遠男・山中章編『文字と古代日本2 文字による交流』吉川弘文館、2005年3月、160-174頁。

(20) 深津行徳「 朝鮮半島古代山城と出土文字史料 」『歴史評論』弟657号、2005年1月、40-46頁。

(21) 丁永根「 新羅唯識学の宗教的志向 」『(学習院大学東洋文化研究所)東洋文化研究』弟7号、2005年3月、213-227頁。

(22) 池江伊「 韓国梁山弥陀庵阿弥陀如来立像について - 甘山寺像との比較考察を通じて 」『仏教芸術』弟278号、2005年1月、28-57、5頁。

(23) 高寛敏「 特別寄稿 新羅の建国神話と初期王統譜 」『(大阪経済法科大学アジア研究所)東アジア研究』弟40号、2005年、51-65頁。

(24) 朱甫暾「 新羅骨品制社会とその変化 」『朝鮮学報』弟196輯、2005年7月、57-101頁。

(25) 浜田久美子「 渤海国書にみる八世紀日本の対外認識 - 啓と表の考察を通して 」『国史学』弟185号、2005年2月、79-111頁。

(26) 赤羽目匡由「 新羅末高麗初における東北境外の黒水・鉄勒・達姑の諸族 - 渤海・新羅との関係において 」『朝鮮学報』弟197輯、2005年 10 月、1-44頁。

(27) 小嶋芳孝「渤海使の往来」平川南・沖森卓也・栄原永遠男・山中章編『文字と古代日本2 文字による交流』吉川弘文館、2005年3月、249-269頁。

(28) 河上洋「 「渤海人」の民族意識について 」『(河合文化教育研究所)研究論集』弟1号、2005年9月、147-154頁。

(29) 劉浦江「 遼代の渤海遺民について東丹国と定安国を中心に 」『(河合文化教育研究所)研究論集』弟1号、2005年9月、181-197頁。

(30) 関野貞(藤島亥治郎編)『新版 朝鮮の建築と芸術』岩波書店、2005年。

 

Translated by Kenneth R. Robinson

( Shigaku zasshi vol. 115 no. 5 (2006:5), 250-252. Translated and uploaded with the permission of the Shigakkai.)